The Germans who came to be called the Germanna First Colony arrived in Virginia in April 1714 having paid approximately half their passage. With arrangements made between Colonel Nathaniel Blakiston, the agent in London representing Virginia, and two Virginia merchants in London,  Lt. Governor Alexander Spotswood was obligated to pay the remaining cost of their passage.

In return, these families were obligated to work for Lt. Governor Spotswood for approximately 4 years. Spotswood had a fort built for them, provided them with two cannons for protection, and restricted hunting by others in the area. The fort, built overlooking the Rapidan River, was called Fort Germanna. Lt. Governor Spotswood would later build his "Enchanted Castle" on the same site.

In 1717 Spotswood also settled other Germans nearby which settlers are known as the Germanna Second Colony.  For more detail on the Second Colony, CLICK HERE.

Late in 1718 or early 1719 N. S., the First Colony moved to land on Licking Run which is located today in Fauquier County, Virginia. This land grant  was surveyed in 1718 for them but not granted until 1724. The Northern Neck Proprietary office was closed from 1719 until 1722 due to the death of Lady Fairfax and the subsequent settling of her estate. This land was granted to Jacob Holtzclaw, John Hoffman, and John Fishback on behalf of the entire group because, at that time, only Holtzclaw, Hoffman, and Fishback were naturalized citizens.

The following families were represented: Holtzklau, Richter, Otterbach, Merdten, Brombach, Kuntz, Häger, Hitt, Hofmann, Kemper, Spielmann, and Weber. Each family will be described in greater detail in the following sections.

Let's take a look at what the evidence clearly demonstrates at this time, with the understanding that future research may add to our understanding of the facts, by examining this intriguing article on the First Colony Settlers:

Achtung!   Hier Kommen die Deutschen!

Who Were the Members of the First Germanna Colony?

by Suzanne Collins Matson          

          The “First Colony”[1] of German immigrants who arrived in Virginia in April 1714 continues to provoke discussion and disputes over their number, their identity and in some cases even their origin. This article will examine some of these issues exploring records in Germany, evidence in London, and evidence in Virginia. Almost three hundred years after their arrival many unanswered questions remain about this “First Colony.”

       Over the last 100 plus years, historians, scholars and researchers have attempted to force the research to match the assumptions. Graffenried mentioned 40 odd Germans as being with Albrecht when he met them in London, and Lt. Governor Spotswood reported that 42 German men, women and children came into the colony. It may be that there were 40 odd Germans in London but it does not automatically mean that 40 odd Germans arrived in Virginia. Spotswood stated that he paid part of the passage money for 42 Germans, but there is no proof that 42 Germans actually arrived in Virginia.[2] The evidence can verify only 33 German immigrants in the First Colony. Only thirty three individuals, not forty-two, left any record at all of their presence in Virginia. Where are the other nine? Were there even nine others who arrived in Virginia? Let’s look at the evidence.

 Background in Germany

       Of the people who came to be called the First Colony, it is unknown when they actually left their respective homes and villages. Despite some widely published theories, the evidence suggests they did not all travel together as a group. Rev. Georg Friedrich Knabeschuch, successor of Rev. Johann Henrich Häger [Rev. Henry Häger][3] at the Oberfischbach church, wrote a letter to his supervisor, Rev. Johann Daniel Eberhardi, explaining that Rev. Häger “has moved from here, according to his word to settle in the Land Berg, of which departure he never thought or said a word, but it is presumed by everyone as if [he] intends to travel to his son….”[4] Rev. Knabeschuch wrote further that he had spoken that morning with Hans Jacob Holtzklau who stated that he was also willing to travel away if he could receive the “permission of the Just Government”.[5] 

        The information given by Rev. Knabeschuch indicates that Rev. Häger left on July 12, 1713 [the date of Rev. Knabeschuch’s letter] and that Holtzklau was still in Oberfischbach at that time. Hans Jacob Hollsklau [Holtzclaw] was granted permission to leave July 17, 1713.[6] Rev. Häger left five days before Hans Jacob Holtzklau’s permission to leave was recorded; therefore, Rev. Häger and Hans Jacob Holtzklau could not have left Oberfischbach at the same time. It is unknown exactly when Hans Jacob Holtzclaw and his family left Oberfischbach.
       William J. Hinke wrote a two-part article in 1932 and 1933 that appeared in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography Volumes 40 and 41 in which he quoted Dr. Hans Kruse, Director of the State Museum at Siegen regarding three Germans who are recognized members of the 1714 group. Dr. Kruse discovered in the city archives at Siegen that “three of the emigrants, who came from Müsen, John Kemper, John Jost Merden and Melchior Brombach, because they left their homes without permission, were punished by the City Council of Siegen, by having their property confiscated, which would have come to them upon the death of their parents”.[7] A search of the Siegen archives may yield more detailed information about their departure.

       The above examples demonstrate that this group did not get together and march off to London as a “First Colony.” The mode of travel and the timing of the travel of the First Colony individuals from their homes has been the subject of much speculation over the years. At this time, no documents have been located that help answer the questions of exactly when each one left home or the route they may have traveled to reach London.


           When Christoph von Graffenried returned to London on his way home to Bern, Switzerland in the fall of 1713, he was “shocked to learn that Mr. J. Justus Albrecht with some forty miners had arrived”.[8] Graffenried stated that he had written to them several times from America telling them they should not come without his orders because of the disturbances in Carolina and the Indian Wars. According to Graffenried, the First Colony individuals were expecting Graffenried to look out for them and have everything necessary for their support and travel to the American colonies on account of the treaty. This may refer to an Indian treaty negotiated by Spotswood. What little information is currently known about the 1714 colony in London is provided by Graffenried in the account of his travels in America: 

What was now to be done? I knew nothing better than to direct these people back home again, but this seemed so hard for them they preferred to hire themselves out for four years as servants in American than to return. In the meantime no ship was ready to sail to America, and they had to stay through the whole winter till spring in London. But what were they to live on? This question caused me much trouble. Finally I ran to one great man and another in order to procure work and bread for them. For some I found places, for others not. Meantime I was pressed to go home. At last I found two merchants of Virginia to whom I represented the matter as best I could, and recommended myself to Colonel Blankistore [Blakiston] and was advised by him.

       I had been recommended to him by the Governor of Virginia with reference to the mines in order that his officers should help me at the court. The result was that these people were to put their money together and keep account according to the proportion of it.  The rest of it certain above mentioned merchants advanced to make up the transportation and living charges of these people. At their landing the Governor was to accept them and look out for paying the ship captain, who should pay back then, to the merchants of that country, the money they had advanced. For this purpose I wrote a circumstantial letter to Governor Spotswood to whom I represented one thing and another as well as I could, telling him that the little colony should be appointed to the land which we had together in Virginia not far from the place where minerals were found and, as supposed, the traces of the mine, where they could settle themselves according to the wise arrangements and under the helpful supervision of the Governor.

        Meantime if there were not sufficient indications for a silver mine they were to look elsewhere, and because in Virginia there were, at any rate, neither iron nor copper smelters but yet plenty of such minerals they could begin on these. And for these we needed no royal patents as we did for the silver mines. In the hopes that they would succeed, I commended these good miners to the protection of the Most High, and so they departed at the beginning of the year 1714.[9],[10]

Arrival in Virginia

       The First Colony settlers landed in the Virginia Colony in April of 1714 although the exact location is not known.[11] There has been much discussion and speculation about the landing location of this group. Some have said that one of Spotswood’s grandson was told by Spotswood himself that the First Colony landed at Tappahannock.  When Spotswood died in 1740 in Annapolis, Maryland, his eldest child was then only about 15 years old. The life of Spotswood and the lives of his grandchildren did not overlap, thus it was impossible for such information to have passed from grandfather Spotswood to his grandson.

       Since Col. Nathaniel Blakiston who was in London as the agent for the Virginia colony had committed Lt. Governor Alexander Spotswood to pay the remaining portion of the passage cost of the 1714 group, it seems logical that the ship’s captain would have landed as near Williamsburg as possible in order to collect the money owed.[12] The ship’s captain had the responsibility to return to London with the money to reimburse the two merchants who advanced the money for the group. Thus, the exact landing location of the First Colony remains an unsolved mystery.


      On April 28, 1714, Spotswood met with the Colonial Council in Williamsburg advising them that a group of Germans consisting of forty-two men, women and children had arrived and that he wished to settle them above the falls on the Rappahannock River to serve as a barrier against attacks by the Indians. In consideration of their usefulness for this purpose, the Lt. Governor wished to build them a fort, clear a road to the settlement and carry two cannons and ammunition to the site all at the public expense.  The Council agreed and further thought it would be useful to make the German settlers Rangers to exempt them from any public levies [taxes][13      

      Soon after their arrival, this group of Germans made their way to their new home that came to be called Germanna[14]. How did the Germans get to Germanna? Did this group set out overland to the future site of Fort Germanna? Or did they travel by water on a smaller vessel better suited for travel on the local rivers? It is very possible they traveled both by water and by land. No contemporaneous documents giving their mode of travel to Fort Germanna have been located. In Spotswood’s travel journal on May 17, 1714, he recorded that he went on “a Fortnights Expedition to Reconnoitre the Norward Frontiers & to fortify a place for Settling a Body of Germans above the Falls of Rappahannock”.[15]   Spotswood wrote in a letter dated July 21, 1714 to the Lords Commissioners of Trade in London stating that he had “placed here a number of Protestant Germans, built them a Fort, and finish’d it with 2 pieces of cannon and some Ammunition….”[16] 

        John Fontaine mentioned in his journal that he visited Germanna in 1715 and again in 1716. For the purpose of this article, the interest lies with the first visit in 1715. Fontaine wrote that he and his party went directly to the minister’s house upon their arrival November 20, 1715. This is the first time reference is made to Rev. Johann Henrich Häger [Rev. Henry Häger] in Virginia, although not by name.   The reference to Rev. Häger by John Fontaine is very important since it does place Rev. Häger at Germanna by 1715. Fontaine’s meeting with Rev. Häger is important as there have been no documents found such as headrights or naturalization records that would help place him in Virginia. 
Germanna to Germantown
        At some point late in the year 1718 or very early in 1719 N.S., the individuals who made up the First Colony moved to the tract of land that became known as Germantown. A number of documents support this timeframe for the First Colony’s move to Germantown.   A document recorded in Essex County Virginia states that eleven of the German men worked beginning March 1715/16 at mines or quarries and continued there until December 1718.[17] 

       The survey for the tract of land that came to be called Germantown was made by Captain Thomas Hopper [Hooper?] but was plotted by Thomas Barber Surveyor for Richmond County.[18] In May 1719 Captain Hooper was appointed sheriff of Stafford County and held that job for at least two years. It seems that as sheriff he would not have continued as a surveyor. This may explain why the survey was surveyed by one person and plotted by another.  No date was given on the survey and no warrant was filed with the survey. 

      Usually the warrant for a tract of land was filed with the corresponding survey. A search of the records at the Library of Virginia has been made for this warrant; however, it has yet to be located. H. C. Groome in Fauquier During the Proprietorship mentioned a warrant[19] issued to some of the 1714 colonists in 1718, but he did not give a source for his information.  Groome named Jacob Holtzclaw, John Hoffman, John Fishback, Peter Hitt, Harman Fischback, Tilman Weaver and John Spilman and other Germans giving as his source the warrant that has yet to be located.[20]   Did Mr. Groome actually see the warrant or was he copying from another source that he did not name?   


       The Virginia Land Office, Research Note No. 20, prepared by Minor T. Weisiger for the Library of Virginia gives an overview of the process for obtaining land in colonial Virginia. One method of obtaining land was by using “headrights”—a system whereby a person was entitled to 50 acres of land for each person he imported into the colony at his own expense, including himself and his family. The first step in this process was to assert to the county court that a certain number of people had been imported into the colony and that he had paid for their transportation. The people being claimed were specifically named.

        The court then issued a certificate of importation.  These headrights were often sold several times to other people. The final owner who wanted to obtain land by claiming the headrights would then present the certificate to the secretary of the colony in Williamsburg, who then issued a warrant for survey of the property to be patented. The warrant for survey was presented to the county surveyor and the land surveyed. After the survey all the papers were returned to the secretary. If all the papers were in order, then a patent to the land was issued by the governor. The land patent was the way in which the colonial government conveyed public land to a private individual.
         The members of the First Colony claimed their headrights as described above; however, they could not be used in the Northern Neck Proprietary.[21] The Northern Neck Proprietary was a privately owned vast swath of land between the Rappahannock and the Potomac Rivers stretching westward. The Proprietary did not use the headright system; however, anyone who lived there could claim his or her headright(s), but only for use in lands outside the boundaries of the Proprietary.  A little diversion to the Northern Neck will provide some background for our story.

       The unsettled region that came to be called the Northern Neck Proprietary was granted by King Charles II in 1649 to seven of his supporters including John Culpeper.  Since his father Charles I had just been executed and Cromwell was then in charge, Charles II arguably had no authority to grant the land (at least according to Cromwell), but it didn't change the fact that Charles II did it.  Nothing was done with the tract of land until 1660 when Charles II was restored to the throne.  His supporters were issued a new charter for the Northern Neck Propietary in 1669 good for 25 years.   

       The first land grants in the Northern Neck were issued in 1690.  Any land that was granted or patented before that time would be found in the Crown patents records.  The Northern Neck encompassed the area between the Rappahannock and Potomac Rivers and extended to their headwaters.  By 1681 Lord Culpeper had acquired all rights to the land and in 1688 it was confirmed to him by patent.  It passed to his daughter, Catherine, who married Thomas, Fifth Lord Fairfax.  Their rights were confirmed in 1694 and the proprietary continued under their control for ninety years.  Catherine died in 1719 and the Norhtern Neck Proprietary passed to her son, Thomas, Sixth Lord Fairfax.  The Fairfax family ceded their rights to the land in 1793 to a syndicate headed by none other than John Marshall.


       The First Colony people were eligible for 50 acres of land for each person who had arrived in Virginia. A person could apply for the headrights on persons who died after arrival. On April 7, 1724, Jacob Holxrow [Holtzclaw], John Camper [Kemper] and Johanes Martin of the First Colony applied for their certificates to take up land otherwise known as headrights.[22] A transcription of Jacob Holtzclaw’s certificate to take up land follows:

        Jacob Holxrow [sic] in order to prove his right to take up land according to the Royal Charter, made oath that he came into this country in the month of April 1714 and that he brought with him Margaret his wife and John & Henry his two sons, and this is the first time of proving their said importation whereupon certificate is ordered to be granted them of rights to take up two hundred acres of land.[23]

         John Kemper and John Martin also stated that they arrived in April 1714. John Kemper stated that he brought with him his wife Alice Catherine thus he was granted a certificate for the right to take up 100 acres of land. John Martin likewise stated that he brought his wife Maria Catherine with him and he also was granted a certificate to take up 100 acres of land.

 On June 2, 1724, the following people took out headrights for 100 acres[24]:

·         John Spillman who brought with him his wife Mary

·         Harmon Fitshback [sic] and his wife Katherina

·         John Huffman and his wife Katherina

·         John Fitchback [sic] and his wife Agnis

·         Milchert [Melchior] Brumback and his wife Elizabeth

·         Dilman [Tilman] Weaver and Anna Weaver his mother

·         Peter Hitt and his wife Elizabeth

         On June 2, 1724 Joseph Cuntz appeared in court to prove his right to 250 acres based on his family including “Katherin his wife, John his son, Annalis and Kathirina his daughters”.[25] Upon consulting the original page available on microfilm, it was discovered that the exact acreage was not listed. Jacob Rickart [Rector] who arrived with his wife Elizabeth and son John which entitled him to 150 acres of land appeared in court the same day to prove his right.
        Of the people who made application for their headrights on 2 June 1724, only two have the acreage recorded by the clerk. The clerk recorded 100 acres for John Spillman and 100 acres for Harmon Fitshback. It is not known why the clerk failed to list the appropriate acreages for each family. The certificates to take up land were finally issued May 30, 1729 approximately five years after they had made application. 

       When the names of those listed in the headrights are examined, only 30 people are listed. Was this an oversight on the part of those obtaining headrights? If these people were savvy enough to take advantage of the headrights system even though they could not use the headrights in the Northern Neck Proprietary, why didn’t they use all the headrights to which they were entitled?   Or did they? Perhaps the First Colony people did use all the headrights to which they were entitled.

        Some of the First Colonists sold their headrights and these actions are inferred from grants issued by the Crown. In Patent Book No. 14, William Hallaway was granted 250 acres on September 28, 1732 using the headrights of Johannes Martin, Margaret Halscrow [Holtzclaw], Henry Halscrow, John Halscrow and Maria Katharina Martin.[26] In the same Patent Book on the same date, Laus Crest was granted two hundred acres using the headrights of Katherine Cuntz, John Cuntz, Peter Hill and Eliza Hill [Peter Hitt and wife Elizabeth?].[27]   In Patent Book No. 15, Richard Tutt used the headrights of Joseph Cuntz and Jacob Halscrow among others to patent 800 acres.[28] There may be other members of Germanna who sold their headrights but they have yet to be located in the records. 

       A number of previous authors, while writing about the First Colony, have asserted that these people had to have headrights in order to obtain the land grant later known as Germantown. This is a completely erroneous statement! Headrights were issued by Royal Charter from the Crown. The land grants in the Northern Neck Proprietary were issued by Thomas Lord Fairfax or his agent acting on behalf of Lord Fairfax. A number of authors state that the headrights had little monetary value. That may or may not be true, but in this article the reason for looking at the headrights is to determine the names of those who came in 1714 not the monetary value of such headrights.

 Spilman versus Gent

       The Spilman versus Gent lawsuit filed in Fauquier County, Virginia provides a glimpse into the business arrangements of the First Colony as they settled on to their land at Germantown in those early years. This chancery suit was filed in 1759 but tells something about the early history of those who settled at Germantown. Jacob Spilman sued his mother Mary Gent to prevent her from giving the land granted to his father John Spilman at Germantown to her Gent children. Jacob Spilman died before he learned the court’s decision. The lawsuit was continued by his widow Elizabeth Spilman and his son John Spilman who, being a minor, was represented by his next friend Alice Cackley. 

       John Blackwell and Thomas Marshall [father of John Marshall, future Chief Justice of the Supreme Court] were issued a commission to take the depositions of Tilman Weaver, Harman Fishback and Peter Hitt regarding the land in dispute between Mary Gent and Jacob Spilman[29].


        The depositions given by Tilman Weaver, Harman Fishback and Peter Hitt
[30] provide additional information about the members of the First Colony. The disputed land was part of the tract of land granted by Thomas Lord Fairfax or his agent to Jacob Holtzclaw, John Fishback and John Hoffman at Germantown. Jacob Holtzclaw, John Fishback and John Hoffman were the only ones who were naturalized citizens at the time of the issuance of the grant. According to the complaint, the land was divided about thirty-one years prior to the filing of the lawsuit [c. 1728]. 

       According to the complaint, John Spilman [1714 immigrant] paid his share for the land and that he “lived on & held the said Lot as his Property during his Life but Dying before the said Lot of Land was acknowledg’d, the right of the same was Pass’d to Mary Gent, Defendt who was then Widow to the said John Spilman & Mother to the Plt.”[31] One other tract of land of 50 acres more or less fell by Lot to John Spilman [1714 immigrant] the right of which never passed to John Spilman or Mary Gent because Mary Gent sold her right to Jacob Rector.           

       In the complaint of John Spilman [grandson] he named his father Jacob Spilman, Jacob Holtzclaw, John Hoffman, John Fishback, Peter Hitt, Harman Fishback, Tilman Weaver and his grandfather John Spilman and several other Germans as those who made entry for the tract of land named as Germantown. John Spilman does not give the names of the other Germans. The alert reader will notice that the exact same name sequence and words were used by H. C. Groome in his book Fauquier During the Proprietorship. Thus it seems that Mr. Groome was quoting from a copy of the complaint found in the Miscellaneous Records and not from the actual warrant. For some unknown reason, Mr. Groome did not consult the actual Chancery suit found in the Fauquier County Court of Chancery.

       There are a number of documents found in the original chancery file that are not found in the court copy file in Fauquier County Miscellaneous Records 1759-1807. The original chancery file is much easier to read than the copy, shows original signatures and includes the original complaint filed by Jacob Spilman. The original complaint by Jacob Spilman is not found in the Fauquier County Virginia Miscellaneous Records. Jacob Spilman stated in his complaint that he was a natural born citizen of the colony and an infant of tender years when the lease for 99 years was made to his mother, Mary Gent. John Spilman [grandson] stated in his complaint that his father Jacob Spilman came with the others into the colony. This is a discrepancy that at this time has not been resolved.


       Much has been made of Lt. Governor Spotswood’s statement of 42 men, women and children coming into the colony for which he paid part of the passage. Also, Christoph de Graffenried’s writing in his journal about the 40-odd German miners in London led researchers to assume that his number was an accurate count of the First Colony settlers. These two statements do give an idea of the number who may have left London but not the number who arrived in Virginia. Spotswood had been obligated by Col. Nathaniel Blakiston in London to pay part of the passage money for this group. He would have paid the passage based on the number who left London and not on the number of people who actually arrived. Passage money was paid in advance and there was no refund if a passenger had the misfortune to die at sea. It did not matter to the two merchants who provided the remaining money as a loan to Spotswood if the passengers arrived in Virginia. The merchants were due their money from the Lt. Governor regardless.

       The certificates to take up land provide a list of 30 people who actually arrived in 1714 and who in 1724 proved their importation in order to take up land under the headrights system. This list has been largely ignored as a source of names of those who arrived including wives and children. There has been much discussion concerning whether some of the First Colony people were married, when they arrived in Virginia, to the spouse named on the headright. The intent of this article is not to play matchmaker attempting to decide who married whom and when. Other evidence must be examined to make that determination. The marriage questions are better left to another time using other documents as source documents.

        The heads of household named in the headrights match exactly the names of those who settled at Germantown. The Essex County record signed by Albrecht and Holtzclaw place Albrecht at Germanna which adds one more person to the total, meaning thirty-one confirmed members of the First Colony. In his journal, John Fontaine mentioned the minister at Germanna as present in 1715 when he first visited there. Add to the number two more people, Rev. and Mrs. Henry Häger. The final tally is 33 people, not 40+ as stated by de Graffenried, not 42 or 44 as is often expressed. If there were more than 33, they were phantom immigrants who left no evidence of their arrival in 1714.
Copyright ©2011 Suzanne Collins Matson

Suzanne Collins Matson is the sixth great-granddaughter of Hans Jacob Holtzclaw. She has been actively involved in genealogical research since 1994 and is a Genealogy Consultant for the National Society Daughters of the American Revolution. Suzanne graduated with a B.S. in Nursing from the University of South Carolina in 1972 and a B.A. in Music in 1988 from Winthrop College (now University).


[1] The name “First Colony” is a twentieth century designation for this 1714 group who settled initially at the Germanna Fort. These Germans never referred to themselves as the “First Colony”.

[2] Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia, Vol. III (May 1, 1705-October 23, 1721), H. R. McIlwaine, ed. (Richmond: The Virginia State Library, 1928, reprinted 1976) 371-372.

[3]Andreas Mielke, “The Decision of Henrich Häger to Emigrate”, Beyond Germanna, Volume 15, 899-901, as read on Version C of Beyond Germanna CD.   Rev. Henry Häger had retired as a minister in 1711 in Oberfischbach receiving free residence, the meadow growth necessary for a cow and the firewood necessary for his household for life.

[4] Andreas Mielke, “The Decision of Henrich Häger to Emigrate”, Beyond Germanna, Volume 15, 899-901, citing a letter written to Rev. Eberhardi by Rev. Knabenschuh, as read on Version C of Beyond Germanna CD.

[5] Ibid. 

[6] Dekretenprotokolle, Fürstentum Siegen, Landesarchiv 11 Nr. 28a, Bd. 2, Landesarchiv Nordrhein-Westfalen, Staatsarchiv Münster, Münster, Germany. Copy obtained with the assistance of Andreas Mielke.

[7] William J. Hinke, “The 1714 Colony of Germanna, Virginia”, The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Volume 40, no. 4 (October 1932), 323.

[8] Vincent H. Todd, ed., and Julius Goebel, translator, Christoph von Graffenried’s Account of the Founding of New Bern, Edited With An Historical Introduction and An English Translation (Raleigh, NC: The North Carolina Historical Commission, Edwards & Broughton Printing Co., State Printers, 1920); (http://docsouth.unc.edu/nc/graffenried/graffenried.html). This work is the property of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text.

[9] Ibid.

[10] The beginning of the year mentioned in Graffenried’s statement above refers to January 1, 1714. The home of Graffenried was Bern, Switzerland and Bern had changed from the Julian calendar to the Gregorian calendar on December 31, 1700.

[11] Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia, Vol. III (May 1, 1705-October 23, 1721), H. R. McIlwaine, ed. (Richmond: The Virginia State Library, 1928, reprinted 1976) 371-372.

[12] Vincent H. Todd, ed., and Julius Goebel, translator, Christoph von Graffenried’s Account of the Founding of New Bern, Edited With An Historical Introduction and An English Translation (Raleigh, NC: The North Carolina Historical Commission, Edwards & Broughton Printing Co., State Printers, 1920); (http://docsouth.unc.edu/nc/graffenried/graffenried.html). This work is the property of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text.

[13] Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia, Vol. III (May 1, 1705-October 23, 1721), H. R. McIlwaine, ed. (Richmond: The Virginia State Library, 1928, reprinted 1976) 371-372.

[14] The community was named Germanna in honor of Queen Anne and the Germans who settled there.

[15] Journal of the Lieut. Governor’s Travels and Expeditions Undertaken for the Public Service of Virginia, William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, 2nd Ser., Vol. 3, No. 1 (January, 1923), 40-45. Accessed online through JSTOR, an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals: 8 July 2009.

[16] Alexander Spotswood, The Official Letters of Alexander Spotswood, Lieutenant-Governor of the Colony of Virginia, 1710-1722, Volume II (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1885) Digital images (books.google.com) downloaded 26 May 2009, 70.

[17] Essex County Virginia Deed Book No. 16, p. 180. The document was recorded 17 May 1720 and signed by John Justice Albright [Johann Justus Albrecht] and H. Jacob Holtsclare [Hans Jacob Holtzclaw].

[18] Northern Neck Surveys, Stafford County, Virginia, survey for 1805 acres 108 perches, no date, Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia, microfilm, reel 35.

[19] A warrant as used in the headright system was simply a writ authorizing a particular action; in this case, the warrant authorized the county surveyor to survey the land for the person claiming the headright(s).

[20] H. C. Groome, Fauquier During the Proprietorship (Richmond, Virginia: Old Dominion Press, 1927), 122. It is most unusual that all of the names of the Germans were not given in the warrant; if in fact, Mr. Groome consulted the warrant itself. 

[21] Lt. Governor Alexander Spotswood paid approximately half the cost of the passage for these Germans but no documents have been found to suggest that he used their headrights to obtain land.

[22] Will Book A, Spotsylvania County, Virginia, LVA Reel 26, 69.

[23] Jacob Holtzclaw certificate to take up land, Will Book A, Spotsylvania County, Virginia, 69, 7 April 1724, LVA Reel 26, copy provided by Craig Kilby at request of author

[24] Will Book A, Spotsylvania County, Virginia, LVA Reel 26, 73-74.

[25] Ibid.

[26] William Hallaway patent, Patent Book No. 14, 28 September 1732, 521 as abstracted by Nell Marion Nugent in Cavaliers and Pioneers, Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents, Volume III: 1695-1732, 425.

[27] Laus Crest patent, Patent Book No. 14, 28 September 1732, 528 as abstracted by Nell Marion Nugent in Cavaliers and Pioneers, Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents, Volume III: 1695-1732, 426.

[28] Richard Tutt patent, Patent Book No. 15, 1 August 1734, 266 as abstracted by Nell Marion Nugent in Cavaliers and Pioneers, Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents, Volume IV, 46, information located by Craig Kilby.

[29] Jacob Spilman vs. Mary Gent, County Court of Chancery, Fauquier County, Virginia, filed 27 September 1759 (http://www.lva.virginia.gov/chancery/case_detail.asp?CFN=061-1761-003): accessed 17 May 2009.

[30] The signatures of Tillman Weber, Hermanus Fischbach and Peter Hitt are found affixed to the deposition. Within the body of the deposition their names are spelled Tillman Weaver, Harman Fishback and Peter Hitt. While there is no difference in the spelling of Peter Hitt’s name, some letters are in German script. The signatures of Tillman Weber and Hermanus Fischbach were in German; however, the script varied between English and German. The original signatures cannot be seen in the partial copy of this chancery suit found in the Miscellaneous Records, Fauquier County, Virginia, 1759-1807, FHL 0031610, Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah. 

[31] Jacob Spilman vs. Mary Gent, County Court of Chancery, Fauquier County, Virginia, filed 27 September 1759 (http://www.lva.virginia.gov/chancery/case_detail.asp?CFN=061-1761-003): accessed 17 May 2009.